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You must have observed that they usually go in a zigzag manner. This might seem like an easy job, but it requires practice. First, it is better to get familiar with trading graphs and their trend on demo trading apps before trading your money in a real-time market.

To apply this strategy, you must study the chart and see the movement of lines. If the line is going up, the prices are increasing and vice-versa. If the line is horizontally straight, then find some other option to trade your money. It is essential to have practical knowledge, practice on the demo trading sites and get a clear-cut idea. The use of this strategy must be done in combination with the news strategy.

First, you must know the nature of the market you are trading in. Then, after knowing about the ongoing trend, you can start using this strategy.

This is a strong strategy that increases the chances of right predictions and winning. The rainbow strategy is a pattern that includes the usage of various averages in actions with varied periods. Each of these periods is identified with a different color. The moving averages are used to recognize the price changes. Moving averages with many periods react slowly to price changes and moving averages with few periods react quickly.

If you observe a strong movement in the asset chart, the moving averages are most likely to move from a slow to a fast direction in real-time trends. The average that moves the fastest will be placed closest to the asset price, the second closest will be the second fastest, and the third closest to the price will be the third-fastest moving average, and so on.

When you observe that the numerous moving averages are placed in the pattern as discussed above, you can say a durable movement in price in a determined direction. Therefore, when you encounter such a pattern and trend, trade your money right away as this is a favorable time. You can choose how many averages you would like to use.

Most good traders use three moving averages. If the moving averages are positioned so that the shortest line is above the medium moving average and the longest is below the medium line or moving average. You must trade on the asset prices falling. It depends on you to determine the number of moving averages in a period. Therefore, it is recommended to use a duplex of periods you used previously in each moving average. This change in the number of periods used in different moving averages will give you reliable ratios, which will, in turn, provide you with precise signals.

Steve Nison introduced the binary candlestick formation strategy in one of his books in the year A good trader must know how to read asset charts. Once you understand its patterns and movements, it will be easy for you to predict the next move of the asset in the charts. For example, there is a pattern formation in the asset charts called the candlestick formation. The patterns formed by the lines going up and down appear like candlesticks. The top line is the highest price called the mountain, and the bottom line is the lowest, called a valley.

There is no one specific formation in this strategy, but there are a few that you must learn to identify and read to trade better. To apply this strategy, you must observe the chart and pattern of prices for a while. You will notice some repeated pattern formation. Then you can use your knowledge and experience to predict whether the line will go up or fall. Yes, this strategy works that quickly. It is fast and effective. Being a trader of binary options trading, you must be aware that the trading market is not random in the short term.

One more benefit of this strategy is that it saves you a good amount of time. If you play in 5 minutes, you can make more trades per day. However, such short-term binary option trading strategies are required risk management and technical analysis. So, the money flow index strategy is time-saving but also includes lots of risks.

To master this strategy and make money every 5 minutes with Binary Options , you must learn technical analysis. This will help you in understanding whether the other traders are selling or buying. Once you understand this, it will be effortless to use the MFI strategy with the money flow index indicator. MFI index indicator — the indicator tells you the ratio of the asset sold to the number of the asset purchased. The value is generally between Now that you understand the relationship between the ratio of the MFI indicator and the traders planning on buying or selling the asset, it will be easy for you to choose one option and secure your money.

In addition, you can easily estimate the asset price movement after understanding the demand and the supply. In simpler words, if the number of traders buying an asset is much greater than the number of traders selling the same asset. There will be fewer traders to force the price of assets upwards. As a result, the demand and price will both go down.

In the same way, if the number of traders selling an asset is greater than the number of traders buying it, the supply will diminish, and prices will increase. Mentioned below are the ways you can use the MFL index for your next accurate prediction:.

This strategy works best for a short period. Traders usually use this strategy to play 5 minutes bets. In the long run, it is tough to predict the process through this strategy as it goes to extremes. So, avoid using this strategy for your long-term trades. This is a popular strategy among binary options traders. As the name suggests, this strategy uses the movement of asset prices in the last twenty days. Then use this data to predict the next hit; it might be a high or low.

This strategy provides you with two signals:. This strategy can be used easily by beginners. However, the outcome of the turtle strategy has been mixed. There are a broad number of strategies that you will come across on the internet. Each of them will seem workable until you test it. Different traders perceive signals differently. Identifying which strategy works best for you will help you make money in the long run.

No app or person can tell you which strategy will work best for you. It is the work of a trader to test different trading strategies and mold them in his way to make the most out of them.

Binary trading requires accurate predictions. It demands mastery over strategies to win. Wrong use of any strategy or mixed signals will eventually lead you to lose money. Avoid using real money to test new strategies. In addition to that, make sure to establish limits and have a strategy to manage your money.

Which timeframe is the best for trading Binary Options with strategies? From our experience, you can use the discussed strategies in every timeframe you want. It is always the same, the timeframe does not matter. But we can recommend staying away from 30 seconds or 60 seconds timeframes if you are a beginner.

Because you need a very high skills to do fast trade executions. There is no specific strategy that can prove to be the best for all the traders out there. Different strategies work for different traders. Therefore, you must try and test varied strategies to find out what works for you. However, having a good knowledge of the market and learning technical analysis will help you succeed.

The minimum trading amount differs from broker to broker. There is no external source of money in the binary trading platforms. The money is being rotated. One trader won while the other lost. The money lost by that trader will get transferred to the one that won, depending on the profit percentage given by the broker to its traders. Some percentage of the money lost will go to the broker. The answer to this question depends on the amount of money being traded.

However, if you fail, you will lose all your money, i. There is no fixed maximum amount that can be earned through trading options. It depends on the amount of money traded and the number of wins.

Since the trading strategies only give you a signal to predict your next move. However, good practice and knowledge of the asset will increase your chances to win. Nonetheless, the caliphate has continued to embrace slavery and crucifixion without apology. A study group of Islamic State scholars had convened, on government orders, to resolve this issue. Tens of thousands of foreign Muslims are thought to have immigrated to the Islamic State.

Recruits hail from France, the United Kingdom, Belgium, Germany, Holland, Australia, Indonesia, the United States, and many other places. Many have come to fight, and many intend to die. Peter R. Online recruitment has also widened the demographics of the jihadist community, by allowing conservative Muslim women—physically isolated in their homes—to reach out to recruiters, radicalize, and arrange passage to Syria.

Through its appeals to both genders, the Islamic State hopes to build a complete society. For three years he was a televangelist on Iqraa TV in Cairo, but he left after the station objected to his frequent calls to establish a caliphate. Now he preaches on Facebook and Twitter.

Cerantonio—a big, friendly man with a bookish demeanor—told me he blanches at beheading videos. He hates seeing the violence, even though supporters of the Islamic State are required to endorse it. He speaks out, controversially among jihadists, against suicide bombing, on the grounds that God forbids suicide; he differs from the Islamic State on a few other points as well. He has the kind of unkempt facial hair one sees on certain overgrown fans of The Lord of the Rings , and his obsession with Islamic apocalypticism felt familiar.

He is stuck in Melbourne, where he is well known to the local constabulary. If Cerantonio were caught facilitating the movement of individuals to the Islamic State, he would be imprisoned. Cerantonio grew up there in a half-Irish, half-Calabrian family. On a typical street one can find African restaurants, Vietnamese shops, and young Arabs walking around in the Salafi uniform of scraggly beard, long shirt, and trousers ending halfway down the calves. Cerantonio explained the joy he felt when Baghdadi was declared the caliph on June 29—and the sudden, magnetic attraction that Mesopotamia began to exert on him and his friends.

The last caliphate was the Ottoman empire, which reached its peak in the 16th century and then experienced a long decline, until the founder of the Republic of Turkey, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, euthanized it in Baghdadi spoke at length of the importance of the caliphate in his Mosul sermon.

He said that to revive the institution of the caliphate—which had not functioned except in name for about 1, years—was a communal obligation. Unlike bin Laden, and unlike those false caliphs of the Ottoman empire, he is Qurayshi. The caliphate, Cerantonio told me, is not just a political entity but also a vehicle for salvation. They are neither obviously saved nor definitively condemned.

Similarly, Cerantonio said, the Muslim who acknowledges one omnipotent god and prays, but who dies without pledging himself to a valid caliph and incurring the obligations of that oath, has failed to live a fully Islamic life. I pointed out that this means the vast majority of Muslims in history, and all who passed away between and , died a death of disbelief. Cerantonio nodded gravely. This last criterion, Cerantonio said, is the hardest to fulfill, and requires that the caliph have territory in which he can enforce Islamic law.

He and others spoke quietly to those in power and told them that further delay would be sinful. They prepared a letter to various powerful members of ISIS , airing their displeasure at the failure to appoint a caliph, but were pacified by Adnani, the spokesman, who let them in on a secret—that a caliphate had already been declared, long before the public announcement.

They had their legitimate caliph, and at that point there was only one option. Jürgen Todenhöfer, a German author and former politician who visited the Islamic State in December, reported the arrival of fighters at one Turkish-border recruitment station in just two days. His report, among others, suggests a still-steady inflow of foreigners, ready to give up everything at home for a shot at paradise in the worst place on Earth.

In London, a week before my meal with Cerantonio, I met with three ex-members of a banned Islamist group called Al Muhajiroun The Emigrants : Anjem Choudary, Abu Baraa, and Abdul Muhid. They all expressed desire to emigrate to the Islamic State, as many of their colleagues already had, but the authorities had confiscated their passports. Like Cerantonio, they regarded the caliphate as the only righteous government on Earth, though none would confess having pledged allegiance.

He frequently appears on cable news, as one of the few people producers can book who will defend the Islamic State vociferously, until his mike is cut. He has a reputation in the United Kingdom as a loathsome blowhard, but he and his disciples sincerely believe in the Islamic State and, on matters of doctrine, speak in its voice. Choudary and the others feature prominently in the Twitter feeds of Islamic State residents, and Abu Baraa maintains a YouTube channel to answer questions about Sharia.

Since September, authorities have been investigating the three men on suspicion of supporting terrorism. Because of this investigation, they had to meet me separately: communication among them would have violated the terms of their bail. But speaking with them felt like speaking with the same person wearing different masks.

Choudary met me in a candy shop in the East London suburb of Ilford. He was dressed smartly, in a crisp blue tunic reaching nearly to his ankles, and sipped a Red Bull while we talked. But create a caliphate, and this law, along with a huge body of other jurisprudence, suddenly awakens.

In theory, all Muslims are obliged to immigrate to the territory where the caliph is applying these laws. On the day I met Choudary, Abu Rumaysah tweeted out a picture of himself with a Kalashnikov in one arm and his newborn son in the other. Hashtag: GenerationKhilafah. The caliph is required to implement Sharia. Any deviation will compel those who have pledged allegiance to inform the caliph in private of his error and, in extreme cases, to excommunicate and replace him if he persists. In return, the caliph commands obedience—and those who persist in supporting non-Muslim governments, after being duly warned and educated about their sin, are considered apostates.

Abdul Muhid, 32, continued along these lines. He was dressed in mujahideen chic when I met him at a local restaurant: scruffy beard, Afghan cap, and a wallet outside of his clothes, attached with what looked like a shoulder holster. When we sat down, he was eager to discuss welfare. The Islamic State may have medieval-style punishments for moral crimes lashes for boozing or fornication, stoning for adultery , but its social-welfare program is, at least in some aspects, progressive to a degree that would please an MSNBC pundit.

Health care, he said, is free. All Muslims acknowledge that God is the only one who knows the future. But they also agree that he has offered us a peek at it, in the Koran and in narrations of the Prophet. It is in this casting that the Islamic State is most boldly distinctive from its predecessors, and clearest in the religious nature of its mission. In broad strokes, al-Qaeda acts like an underground political movement, with worldly goals in sight at all times—the expulsion of non-Muslims from the Arabian peninsula, the abolishment of the state of Israel, the end of support for dictatorships in Muslim lands.

The Islamic State has its share of worldly concerns including, in the places it controls, collecting garbage and keeping the water running , but the End of Days is a leitmotif of its propaganda.

Bin Laden rarely mentioned the apocalypse, and when he did, he seemed to presume that he would be long dead when the glorious moment of divine comeuppance finally arrived. During the last years of the U. They were anticipating, within a year, the arrival of the Mahdi—a messianic figure destined to lead the Muslims to victory before the end of the world.

For certain true believers—the kind who long for epic good-versus-evil battles—visions of apocalyptic bloodbaths fulfill a deep psychological need. Of the Islamic State supporters I met, Musa Cerantonio, the Australian, expressed the deepest interest in the apocalypse and how the remaining days of the Islamic State—and the world—might look. Parts of that prediction are original to him, and do not yet have the status of doctrine.

The Islamic State has attached great importance to the Syrian city of Dabiq, near Aleppo. It is here, the Prophet reportedly said, that the armies of Rome will set up their camp. Now that it has taken Dabiq, the Islamic State awaits the arrival of an enemy army there, whose defeat will initiate the countdown to the apocalypse. During fighting in Iraq in December, after mujahideen perhaps inaccurately reported having seen American soldiers in battle, Islamic State Twitter accounts erupted in spasms of pleasure, like overenthusiastic hosts or hostesses upon the arrival of the first guests at a party.

The Prophetic narration that foretells the Dabiq battle refers to the enemy as Rome. But Cerantonio makes a case that Rome meant the Eastern Roman empire, which had its capital in what is now Istanbul. We should think of Rome as the Republic of Turkey—the same republic that ended the last self-identified caliphate, 90 years ago.

Other Islamic State sources suggest that Rome might mean any infidel army, and the Americans will do nicely. After its battle in Dabiq, Cerantonio said, the caliphate will expand and sack Istanbul. Some believe it will then cover the entire Earth, but Cerantonio suggested its tide may never reach beyond the Bosporus.

Just as Dajjal prepares to finish them off, Jesus—the second-most-revered prophet in Islam—will return to Earth, spear Dajjal, and lead the Muslims to victory. But he is hopeful. The Islamic State has its best and worst days ahead of it.

Osama bin Laden was seldom predictable. He ended his first television interview cryptically. In London, Choudary and his students provided detailed descriptions of how the Islamic State must conduct its foreign policy, now that it is a caliphate.

But the waging of war to expand the caliphate is an essential duty of the caliph. Choudary took pains to present the laws of war under which the Islamic State operates as policies of mercy rather than of brutality. He told me the state has an obligation to terrorize its enemies—a holy order to scare the shit out of them with beheadings and crucifixions and enslavement of women and children, because doing so hastens victory and avoids prolonged conflict.

If the caliph consents to a longer-term peace or permanent border, he will be in error. Temporary peace treaties are renewable, but may not be applied to all enemies at once: the caliph must wage jihad at least once a year.

He may not rest, or he will fall into a state of sin. One comparison to the Islamic State is the Khmer Rouge, which killed about a third of the population of Cambodia. Even to hasten the arrival of a caliphate by democratic means—for example by voting for political candidates who favor a caliphate—is shirk. For the Islamic State, that recognition is ideological suicide. Other Islamist groups, such as the Muslim Brotherhood and Hamas, have succumbed to the blandishments of democracy and the potential for an invitation to the community of nations, complete with a UN seat.

Negotiation and accommodation have worked, at times, for the Taliban as well. To the Islamic State these are not options, but acts of apostasy.

The United States and its allies have reacted to the Islamic State belatedly and in an apparent daze. Our failure to appreciate the split between the Islamic State and al-Qaeda, and the essential differences between the two, has led to dangerous decisions. Last fall, to take one example, the U. The plan facilitated—indeed, required—the interaction of some of the founding figures of the Islamic State and al-Qaeda, and could hardly have looked more hastily improvised.

Maqdisi had already called for the state to extend mercy to Alan Henning, the British cabbie who had entered Syria to deliver aid to children. In December, The Guardian reported that the U. Maqdisi was living freely in Jordan, but had been banned from communicating with terrorists abroad, and was being monitored closely.

After Jordan granted the United States permission to reintroduce Maqdisi to Binali, Maqdisi bought a phone with American money and was allowed to correspond merrily with his former student for a few days, before the Jordanian government stopped the chats and used them as a pretext to jail Maqdisi.

Multiple attempts to elicit comment from the FBI were unsuccessful. Chastened by our earlier indifference, we are now meeting the Islamic State via Kurdish and Iraqi proxy on the battlefield, and with regular air assaults. Some observers have called for escalation, including several predictable voices from the interventionist right Max Boot, Frederick Kagan , who have urged the deployment of tens of thousands of American soldiers.

The Islamic State cannot. If it loses its grip on its territory in Syria and Iraq, it will cease to be a caliphate. Caliphates cannot exist as underground movements, because territorial authority is a requirement: take away its command of territory, and all those oaths of allegiance are no longer binding.

Former pledges could of course continue to attack the West and behead their enemies, as freelancers. But the propaganda value of the caliphate would disappear, and with it the supposed religious duty to immigrate and serve it. If the state musters at Dabiq in full force, only to be routed, it might never recover.

And yet the risks of escalation are enormous. The biggest proponent of an American invasion is the Islamic State itself.

The provocative videos, in which a black-hooded executioner addresses President Obama by name, are clearly made to draw America into the fight. Yet another invasion and occupation would confirm that suspicion, and bolster recruitment. Add the incompetence of our previous efforts as occupiers, and we have reason for reluctance.

The rise of ISIS , after all, happened only because our previous occupation created space for Zarqawi and his followers. Who knows the consequences of another botched job? Given everything we know about the Islamic State, continuing to slowly bleed it, through air strikes and proxy warfare, appears the best of bad military options. Neither the Kurds nor the Shia will ever subdue and control the whole Sunni heartland of Syria and Iraq—they are hated there, and have no appetite for such an adventure anyway.

But they can keep the Islamic State from fulfilling its duty to expand. And with every month that it fails to expand, it resembles less the conquering state of the Prophet Muhammad than yet another Middle Eastern government failing to bring prosperity to its people. But its threat to the United States is smaller than its all too frequent conflation with al-Qaeda would suggest. It sees enemies everywhere around it, and while its leadership wishes ill on the United States, the application of Sharia in the caliphate and the expansion to contiguous lands are paramount.

The foreign fighters and their wives and children have been traveling to the caliphate on one-way tickets: they want to live under true Sharia, and many want martyrdom. Doctrine, recall, requires believers to reside in the caliphate if it is at all possible for them to do so. This would be an eccentric act for someone intending to return to blow himself up in line at the Louvre or to hold another chocolate shop hostage in Sydney.

But most of the attackers have been frustrated amateurs, unable to immigrate to the caliphate because of confiscated passports or other problems. During his visit to Mosul in December, Jürgen Todenhöfer interviewed a portly German jihadist and asked whether any of his comrades had returned to Europe to carry out attacks.

The jihadist seemed to regard returnees not as soldiers but as dropouts. Properly contained, the Islamic State is likely to be its own undoing. No country is its ally, and its ideology ensures that this will remain the case. The land it controls, while expansive, is mostly uninhabited and poor. And as more reports of misery within it leak out, radical Islamist movements elsewhere will be discredited: No one has tried harder to implement strict Sharia by violence.

This is what it looks like. But we should watch carefully for a rapprochement. Muslims can say that slavery is not legitimate now , and that crucifixion is wrong at this historical juncture. Many say precisely this. But they cannot condemn slavery or crucifixion outright without contradicting the Koran and the example of the Prophet. That really would be an act of apostasy.

Musa Cerantonio and the Salafis I met in London are unstumpable: no question I posed left them stuttering. They lectured me garrulously and, if one accepts their premises, convincingly. To call them un-Islamic appears, to me, to invite them into an argument that they would win. If they had been froth-spewing maniacs, I might be able to predict that their movement would burn out as the psychopaths detonated themselves or became drone-splats, one by one.

But these men spoke with an academic precision that put me in mind of a good graduate seminar. I even enjoyed their company, and that frightened me as much as anything else. Non-muslims cannot tell Muslims how to practice their religion properly.

What is the Islamic State? Where did it come from, and what are its intentions? The simplicity of these questions can be deceiving, and few Western leaders seem to know the answers. In December, The New York Times published confidential comments by Major General Michael K. The group seized Mosul, Iraq, last June, and already rules an area larger than the United Kingdom. Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi has been its leader since May , but until last summer, his most recent known appearance on film was a grainy mug shot from a stay in U.

captivity at Camp Bucca during the occupation of Iraq. Then, on July 5 of last year, he stepped into the pulpit of the Great Mosque of al-Nuri in Mosul, to deliver a Ramadan sermon as the first caliph in generations—upgrading his resolution from grainy to high-definition, and his position from hunted guerrilla to commander of all Muslims. The inflow of jihadists that followed, from around the world, was unprecedented in its pace and volume, and is continuing.

Our ignorance of the Islamic State is in some ways understandable: It is a hermit kingdom; few have gone there and returned. Baghdadi has spoken on camera only once. We can gather that their state rejects peace as a matter of principle; that it hungers for genocide; that its religious views make it constitutionally incapable of certain types of change, even if that change might ensure its survival; and that it considers itself a harbinger of—and headline player in—the imminent end of the world.

The Islamic State, also known as the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham ISIS , follows a distinctive variety of Islam whose beliefs about the path to the Day of Judgment matter to its strategy, and can help the West know its enemy and predict its behavior. Its rise to power is less like the triumph of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt a group whose leaders the Islamic State considers apostates than like the realization of a dystopian alternate reality in which David Koresh or Jim Jones survived to wield absolute power over not just a few hundred people, but some 8 million.

We have misunderstood the nature of the Islamic State in at least two ways. First, we tend to see jihadism as monolithic, and to apply the logic of al-Qaeda to an organization that has decisively eclipsed it. Bin Laden viewed his terrorism as a prologue to a caliphate he did not expect to see in his lifetime. His organization was flexible, operating as a geographically diffuse network of autonomous cells.

The Islamic State, by contrast, requires territory to remain legitimate, and a top-down structure to rule it. Its bureaucracy is divided into civil and military arms, and its territory into provinces. Peter Bergen, who produced the first interview with bin Laden in , titled his first book Holy War, Inc. in part to acknowledge bin Laden as a creature of the modern secular world.

Bin Laden corporatized terror and franchised it out. He requested specific political concessions, such as the withdrawal of U. forces from Saudi Arabia.

His foot soldiers navigated the modern world confidently. There is a temptation to rehearse this observation—that jihadists are modern secular people, with modern political concerns, wearing medieval religious disguise—and make it fit the Islamic State.

In fact, much of what the group does looks nonsensical except in light of a sincere, carefully considered commitment to returning civilization to a seventh-century legal environment, and ultimately to bringing about the apocalypse.

They often speak in codes and allusions that sound odd or old-fashioned to non-Muslims, but refer to specific traditions and texts of early Islam. But Adnani was not merely talking trash. His speech was laced with theological and legal discussion, and his exhortation to attack crops directly echoed orders from Muhammad to leave well water and crops alone—unless the armies of Islam were in a defensive position, in which case Muslims in the lands of kuffar , or infidels, should be unmerciful, and poison away.

The reality is that the Islamic State is Islamic. Very Islamic. Yes, it has attracted psychopaths and adventure seekers, drawn largely from the disaffected populations of the Middle East and Europe. But the religion preached by its most ardent followers derives from coherent and even learned interpretations of Islam.

Muslims can reject the Islamic State; nearly all do. In November, the Islamic State released an infomercial-like video tracing its origins to bin Laden. Zawahiri has not pledged allegiance to Baghdadi, and he is increasingly hated by his fellow jihadists.

His isolation is not helped by his lack of charisma; in videos he comes across as squinty and annoyed. But the split between al-Qaeda and the Islamic State has been long in the making, and begins to explain, at least in part, the outsize bloodlust of the latter.

On most matters of doctrine, Maqdisi and the Islamic State agree. In time, though, Zarqawi surpassed his mentor in fanaticism, and eventually earned his rebuke. In Islam, the practice of takfir , or excommunication, is theologically perilous. The punishment for apostasy is death. And yet Zarqawi heedlessly expanded the range of behavior that could make Muslims infidels. Denying the holiness of the Koran or the prophecies of Muhammad is straightforward apostasy.

But Zarqawi and the state he spawned take the position that many other acts can remove a Muslim from Islam.

Being a Shiite, as most Iraqi Arabs are, meets the standard as well, because the Islamic State regards Shiism as innovation, and to innovate on the Koran is to deny its initial perfection. The Islamic State claims that common Shiite practices, such as worship at the graves of imams and public self-flagellation, have no basis in the Koran or in the example of the Prophet. That means roughly million Shia are marked for death. So too are the heads of state of every Muslim country, who have elevated man-made law above Sharia by running for office or enforcing laws not made by God.

Following takfiri doctrine, the Islamic State is committed to purifying the world by killing vast numbers of people. The lack of objective reporting from its territory makes the true extent of the slaughter unknowable, but social-media posts from the region suggest that individual executions happen more or less continually, and mass executions every few weeks. Exempted from automatic execution, it appears, are Christians who do not resist their new government.

Baghdadi permits them to live, as long as they pay a special tax, known as the jizya , and acknowledge their subjugation. The Koranic authority for this practice is not in dispute. Centuries have passed since the wars of religion ceased in Europe, and since men stopped dying in large numbers because of arcane theological disputes. Hence, perhaps, the incredulity and denial with which Westerners have greeted news of the theology and practices of the Islamic State. Many refuse to believe that this group is as devout as it claims to be, or as backward-looking or apocalyptic as its actions and statements suggest.

Their skepticism is comprehensible. Look instead, these scholars urged, to the conditions in which these ideologies arose—the bad governance, the shifting social mores, the humiliation of living in lands valued only for their oil. Without acknowledgment of these factors, no explanation of the rise of the Islamic State could be complete.

Many mainstream Muslim organizations have gone so far as to say the Islamic State is, in fact, un-Islamic. It is, of course, reassuring to know that the vast majority of Muslims have zero interest in replacing Hollywood movies with public executions as evening entertainment. Of partial Lebanese descent, Haykel grew up in Lebanon and the United States, and when he talks through his Mephistophelian goatee, there is a hint of an unplaceable foreign accent.

According to Haykel, the ranks of the Islamic State are deeply infused with religious vigor. Koranic quotations are ubiquitous. This behavior includes a number of practices that modern Muslims tend to prefer not to acknowledge as integral to their sacred texts. The Koran specifies crucifixion as one of the only punishments permitted for enemies of Islam.

Leaders of the Islamic State have taken emulation of Muhammad as strict duty, and have revived traditions that have been dormant for hundreds of years. They conquered most of what is now Saudi Arabia, and their strict practices survive in a diluted version of Sharia there.

If al-Qaeda wanted to revive slavery, it never said so. And why would it? Silence on slavery probably reflected strategic thinking, with public sympathies in mind: when the Islamic State began enslaving people, even some of its supporters balked. Nonetheless, the caliphate has continued to embrace slavery and crucifixion without apology. A study group of Islamic State scholars had convened, on government orders, to resolve this issue. Tens of thousands of foreign Muslims are thought to have immigrated to the Islamic State.

Recruits hail from France, the United Kingdom, Belgium, Germany, Holland, Australia, Indonesia, the United States, and many other places. Many have come to fight, and many intend to die. Peter R. Online recruitment has also widened the demographics of the jihadist community, by allowing conservative Muslim women—physically isolated in their homes—to reach out to recruiters, radicalize, and arrange passage to Syria. Through its appeals to both genders, the Islamic State hopes to build a complete society.

For three years he was a televangelist on Iqraa TV in Cairo, but he left after the station objected to his frequent calls to establish a caliphate. Now he preaches on Facebook and Twitter. Cerantonio—a big, friendly man with a bookish demeanor—told me he blanches at beheading videos. He hates seeing the violence, even though supporters of the Islamic State are required to endorse it. He speaks out, controversially among jihadists, against suicide bombing, on the grounds that God forbids suicide; he differs from the Islamic State on a few other points as well.

He has the kind of unkempt facial hair one sees on certain overgrown fans of The Lord of the Rings , and his obsession with Islamic apocalypticism felt familiar. He is stuck in Melbourne, where he is well known to the local constabulary. If Cerantonio were caught facilitating the movement of individuals to the Islamic State, he would be imprisoned. Cerantonio grew up there in a half-Irish, half-Calabrian family. On a typical street one can find African restaurants, Vietnamese shops, and young Arabs walking around in the Salafi uniform of scraggly beard, long shirt, and trousers ending halfway down the calves.

Cerantonio explained the joy he felt when Baghdadi was declared the caliph on June 29—and the sudden, magnetic attraction that Mesopotamia began to exert on him and his friends.

The last caliphate was the Ottoman empire, which reached its peak in the 16th century and then experienced a long decline, until the founder of the Republic of Turkey, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, euthanized it in Baghdadi spoke at length of the importance of the caliphate in his Mosul sermon.

He said that to revive the institution of the caliphate—which had not functioned except in name for about 1, years—was a communal obligation. Unlike bin Laden, and unlike those false caliphs of the Ottoman empire, he is Qurayshi. The caliphate, Cerantonio told me, is not just a political entity but also a vehicle for salvation. They are neither obviously saved nor definitively condemned.

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